Sunday, November 30, 2008
yörsan tek gıda-iş'e üye olduğu için 376 işçisini çıkarmış, işçiler de yörsan'a dava açmıştı.
işçilerden 336'sı davayı kazanmış.
mahkeme yörsan'ın inkarına rağmen işten çıkarılma nedeninin sendika üyeliği olduğuna karar verip, işçilerin işe iadelerine hükmetmiş, yargıtay da onamış. yörsan işçileri geri almayı kabul etmezse sıkı bir tazminat ödeyecekmiş.
iyi şeyler de oluyor. ara sıra.
Saturday, November 29, 2008
Thursday, November 27, 2008
bethlehem'e isa'nın doğduğu yeri görmek için
nablus'a da künefe yemek için
gittim." ben gurion'dan çıkışta filistin topraklarına girdiniz mi sorusu gelseydi cevabımı hazırlamıştım. kısa bir sorgulamayla durumu atlattık.
nablus'ta da hakikaten künefe yedik, ulviydi. dükkanın adı al-aqsa'ydı.
nablus'a girerken de kontrol kapısından yaya geçip içeriden servislerle şehre devam ediliyor.
iki yüksek tepe arasına kurulmuş şehrin mümkün olan her çıkışında kontrol noktası var.
intifadadan önce en önemli ticaret merkeziymiş.
bankalardan ürdün doları çekip sonra şekele çevirmek gerekiyor.
bana saida'yı hatırlatan eski şehirin labirent sokaklarının her yerinde şehitlerin ve elinde silahla poz vermek isteyen çocukların posterleri var.
şehrin abluka altına alınmasının nedeni kovalamacanın hala devam etmesi. tabii ki israilliller giremiyor nablus'a.
şehri bize gezdiren gönüllü rehberimiz burada her evin israil askerleriyle mutlak bir hikayesi vardır, benim kuzenlerim ve en yakın arkadaşım öldürüldü diye anlattı.
handala hatıratı almak için girdiğimiz dükkanda, hatıratların yanı sıra poşular, silahlar, dvd ve cdler, bir de şehitlerin fotograflarını taşıyan kolyeler satılıyordu.
(kimliği anonim) rehberimiz de en iyi arkadaşının fotoğrafını taşıdığı kolyesini gösterdi. yalnızca çok sinirli olduğu bir keresinde kontrol kapısında kolyesini sorduklarında onu siz öldürdünüz diye ağız dalaşına girmiş.
nablus'ta etraftaki köy ve kasabalardan gençlerin geldiği büyük bir üniversite var. o yüzden çıkıştaki kuyrukta elinde defteri kitabı bir sürü öğrenci vardı. genç erkekler sağ tarafa, kadınlar ve orta yaşlı erkekler de sol tarafa ayrılıp, eli silahlı yüzü sivilceli çocuklar tarafından kontrol edilmek üzere "sürü" halinde bekletiliyor. yarım saat bekledik ama iki üç saat beklemek de olasıymış.
nablus'tan ramallah'a, ramallah'tan kudüs'e, kudüs'ten tel aviv'e yolculuk iki buçuk saat sürdü. arada tepelerin üzerine yerleşmiş, sıkı güvenlik altındaki "yerleşim"ler ve yerleşimlere gitmek için vasıta bekleyenlere öfke...niçin dilini, kültürünü bilmedikleri bu yerdeler; neden buradaki insanları yerlerinden etmek için bu kadar hınçlılar ve zalimler? filistinliler için onlar askerlerden daha da tehlikeli, bir numaralı düşman.
ramallah kontrol noktasında bu sefer otobüste kaldık ne olacağını görmek için (malum benim giriş damgam yok). içeriye şöyle bir bakıp geçirdiler arabayı, öyle gelişi güzel. geri kalan yolcuları bekledik. duvarın öte yanına geçtiğimizde kudüs gerçekliğine alışmak için biraz zaman gerekti. bütün bunlardan steril tel-aviv. gamsız hayat, herkese başka sunar garip oyunlarını.
Tuesday, November 25, 2008
a printed retrospective, 1960—1971
december 6, 2008 —
This retrospective of the works by Diane Arbus (1923–1971), featured by Pierre Leguillon, is the first organized in France since an exhibition at Centre Pompidou in 1980. It brings together a collection of the New York photographer’s images commissioned by the Anglo-American press in the 1960s.
The exhibition presents the original pages, from the magazines in which the images were published, including Harper’s Bazaar, Esquire, Nova and The Sunday Times Magazine.
The exhibition, a selection from a collection of more than 150 photographs, reveals this particular part of the artist’s work, less known in France, and shows the great variety of subjects dealt with: photo journalism, anonymous and celebrity portraits (Norman Mailer, Jorge Luis Borges, Lilian and Dorothy Gish, Marcello Mastroianni, Mrs. Martin Luther King...), children’s fashion and several “photographic essays”— the images are captioned or commented on by the photographer herself. The choice of presenting the original magazines in the exhibition emphasizes the formal layout choices, and displays the photographs within the original social or political context of that time.
The Printed Retrospective presents itself as an artwork/exhibition/collection, placing the history of photography at the center of reflection, as well as the concepts of original and copy. We can see these images exactly as they were conceived and created by the photographer: in their original format, frame, and relation to the texts.
In addition, Pierre Leguillon creates parallels between these works and a selection of texts or images by other photographers (Walker Evans, Annie Leibovitz, Victor Burgin, Wolfgang Tillmans, Documentation Céline Duval, Matthieu Laurette, Bill Owens) which are direct, or indirect, references to the images displayed in the exhibition, thus underlining the contemporaneousness of this major 20th century work.
en büyük kent olan hebron'a gidemedik.
gerçi öbür kentler de çekiyor ama hebron'da özellikle yerleşimci işgali büyük sorun.
eski kentte yerleşimcilerin işgal ettiği, israil otoritelerinin çıkaramadığı bir ev üzerine
olaylar, sorunlar devam ediyor.cumartesi günü hebron'daki yerleşimcilere destek vermek için öbür kentlerden gelen üç bin yerleşimci gösteri yapacaktı. kulağına güvendiğimiz kişilerin gitmeyin uyarısı üzerine rotamızı bethlehem'e (beytüllahim) çevirdik.
bethlehem'e taşıtla girilmiyor. kontrol noktasından yaya geçip başka bir vasıta bulmak gerekiyor.
kontrol geçidi tam bir bezdirme mimarisi olarak kurgulanmış. bethlehem'le kudüs arasını duvar ayırıyor. görünen o ki betlehem'e gelen turistler nativity kilisesini ziyaret ettikten sonra betlehem etrafındaki kutsal alanlara gidiyor ve hristiyanların hac yeri sayılan şehir kendi başına getto yaşamına devam ediyor.
ramallah'ta bir sürü faaliyet film festivalleri, kitap fuarı, sanat akademisi projesi, NGO aktiviteleri. bethlehem'de ise blogda daha önce beyrut postaları sırasında andığım "decolonizing architecture" projesi var. (Sandi Hilal ve Alessandro Petti)
duvarın fotograflarını çektiğimizi gören bir filistinli istanbullu olduğumuzu öğrenince şöyle devam etti sohbete "ben senin elindeki kamerayı alsam senin olan bir şeyi aldığımı bildiğim için uyuyamam. israillilerin bu kadar huzursuz olmalarının nedeni de bizim olan bir şeyi aldıklarını bilmeleri." duvarın her yanındaki "made in usa" graffitilerinin önünde amerikan parası buradan elini çekerse, sanayisi üretimi kendini çekip çevirecek halde olmayan bütün bu sistemin nasıl devam edemeyeceğinden bahsettik. işler tersine döner mi döner.
hikayeleri duyduktan sonra tepelerin üzerinde görünen her ışıl ışıl prefabrik "settlement" (yerleşim) filistin'deki şiddetin gerçek kaynağını gösteriyor. belirlenen sınırların ötesinde yaşayan her israilli "yerleşimci", devletten destek alıyor, gidip gelirken askerler tarafından eskort ediliyor. elektriği suyu bedava alıyor. onlar da mümkün olduğu kadar çok filistinliyi kaçırıp daha geniş alanlara yayılmaya çalışıyorlar. yöntemleri içme sularını zehirlemekten, yolları yerleşimlerinin önünden geçen okullu çocukları taciz etmeye, zeytin ağaçlarını sökmeye kadar varıyor, düşünün.
ps: bir türkiye'deniz istanbulluyuz bu kadar mı yüz güldürür? hep aynı soru "muhannad ve nur'u biliyor musunuz?" ilk başta ayılmadık. hani şu arapların çok sevdiği gümüş dizisi. geçen yıldan beri böyleymiş. hakikaten her yerde kıvanç tatlıtuğ fotoğrafı posteri etiketi, tişörtü, çarşafı ıvırı zıvırı. yazdığı kadar var.
Monday, November 24, 2008
koken ergun presenting tanklove
guy ben ner, hito steyerl, yael bartana and koken ergun on their video collective AFAVA.
Curators: Galit Eilat and Eyal Danon
Radio Halas broadcasts programs written by artists, musicians, intellectuals in various disciplines, activists, and critics, reflecting the ongoings in the local field of culture while emphasizing the importance of connecting with various fields operating in the area. The station is a unique, web-based meeting point for the creative wealth and diversity in Israel. It is intended as a channel of discovery, exposure, and contact, setting out to provide a public platform for artistic creation which is denied entry to the usual communication channels, to introduce new, original programs, and concurrently, to serve as archive for previous materials. The radio will operate as a virtual art center which will link the local and the global, while maintaining freshness in all processes of experimentation and investigation
Avi Baleli Trio; Uri Katzenstein; Binya Reches; Noam Rotem; Ohad Fishof; Eran Sachs; Assif Tzahar; "Gazezet" - Rani Zager & Nir Levi., which will be broadcast live on Radio Halas:
Wednesday, November 19, 2008
turnikelerin önünde kuyruk oluyor. sayıyla içerideki kontrol odasına görünülüyor.
bu arada çantalar aranıyor.
eller scan ediliyor.
insanlar makinadan düzgün geçmedikleri için azarlanıyor
kontrol odası daha şok edici
içeride askerliğini yapan bir grup teenager (biliyorsunuz erkekler üç yıl kadınlar iki yıl yapıyor. her yerde eli beli silahlı üniformalı çocuk görmek baya normal bir durum)
yaptıklarının ne olduğunu anlamadıkları her hallerinden belli
pasaportum ileride yapacağım başka yolculukları zorlaştırmamak için damgasız
yolum kısa evrak-i metrukemin rengi yeşil oldugu icin vizem de yok
haliyle nereden geldin sorusu geldi
gördüğüm bütün karşısında o kadar kanım çekildi ki
karşımdaki teenager kızın
peki biz sizin ne zaman, nasil buraya geldiginizi nasil bileceğiz sorularına zor cevap toparladım
yanımdaki bu durumlara alışık arkadaşım destek verdi sağolsun
insanlar sayılıyor, aranıyor, elleri scan ediliyor
içerideki kontrol çocukları birbirine ipoddan şarkı dinletiyor, sakız şaklatıyor vs...
sol tarafına oturun ki duvarla iyice bir yüz yüze gelin.
üç metre yüksekliği, tepesinde elektrikli teller
sürüyor da sürüyor, insanın içi sıkışıyor.
kontrol noktasına yaklaşırken "israel now palestine never"
duvarın öbür tarafı başka
kendi yağıyla kavrulup gidiyor, öbür kentlere göre daha huzurlu olduğu söyleniyor.
ramallah'ın merkez meydanının ortasında eski bir sütun etrafında dört aslan
akşamları yanan mavi elektrik kablolarıyla sütuna bağlı
sütunun tepesinde karpuz bir lamba
üzerinde arafat posterleri (2. ölüm yıldönümü 12 kasımdı)
aslanların üzerinde oturan bir grup erkek tayfa
karşısında 'stars and bucks' kahve dükkanı
meydanın etrafı piyasa
filistin poşusu da hediyelik dükkanlarında satılmaya başlamış.
Tuesday, November 18, 2008
Very few of us are immune to the exhilaration of this time. My friends on the left write to me that they feel something akin to "redemption" or that "the country has been returned to us" or that "we finally have one of us in the White House." Of course, like them, I discover myself feeling overwhelmed with disbelief and excitement throughout the day, since the thought of having the regime of George W. Bush over and gone is an enormous relief. And the thought of Obama, a thoughtful and progressive black candidate, shifts the historical ground, and we feel that cataclysm as it produces a new terrain. But let us try to think carefully about the shifted terrain, although we cannot fully know its contours at this time. The election of Barack Obama is historically significant in ways that are yet to be gauged, but it is not, and cannot be, a redemption, and if we subscribe to the heightened modes of identification that he proposes ("we are all united") or that we propose ("he is one of us"), we risk believing that this political moment can overcome the antagonisms that are constitutive of political life, especially political life in these times. There have always been good reasons not to embrace "national unity" as an ideal, and to nurse suspicions toward absolute and seamless identification with any political leader. After all, fascism relied in part on that seamless identification with the leader, and Republicans engage this same effort to organize political affect when, for instance, Elizabeth Dole looks out on her audience and says, "I love each and every one of you."
It becomes all the more important to think about the politics of exuberant identification with the election of Obama when we consider that support for Obama has coincided with support for conservative causes. In a way, this accounts for his "cross-over" success. In California, he won by 60% of the vote, and yet some significant portion of those who voted for him also voted against the legalization of gay marriage (52%). How do we understand this apparent disjunction? First, let us remember that Obama has not explicitly supported gay marriage rights. Further, as Wendy Brown has argued, the Republicans have found that the electorate is not as galvanized by "moral" issues as they were in recent elections; the reasons given for why people voted for Obama seem to be predominantly economic, and their reasoning seems more fully structured by neo-liberal rationality than by religious concerns. This is clearly one reason why Palin's assigned public function to galvanize the majority of the electorate on moral issues finally failed. But if "moral" issues such as gun control, abortion rights and gay rights were not as determinative as they once were, perhaps that is because they are thriving in a separate compartment of the political mind. In other words, we are faced with new configurations of political belief that make it possible to hold apparently discrepant views at the same time: someone can, for instance, disagree with Obama on certain issues, but still have voted for him. This became most salient in the emergence of the counter Bradley-effect, when voters could and did explicitly own up to their own racism, but said they would vote for Obama anyway. Anecdotes from the field include claims like the following: "I know that Obama is a Muslim and a Terrorist, but I will vote for him anyway; he is probably better for the economy." Such voters got to keep their racism and vote for Obama, sheltering their split beliefs without having to resolve them.
Along with strong economic motivations, less empirically discernible factors have come into play in these election results. We cannot underestimate the force of dis-identification in this election, a sense of revulsion that George W. has "represented" the United States to the rest of the world, a sense of shame about our practices of torture and illegal detention, a sense of disgust that we have waged war on false grounds and propagated racist views of Islam, a sense of alarm and horror that the extremes of economic deregulation have led to a global economic crisis. Is it despite his race, or because of his race, that Obama finally emerged as a preferred representative of the nation? Fulfilling that representative-function, he is at once black and not-black (some say "not black enough" and others say "too black"), and, as a result, he can appeal to voters who not only have no way of resolving their ambivalence on this issue, but do not want one. The public figure who allows the populace to sustain and mask its ambivalence nevertheless appears as a figure of "unity": this is surely an ideological function. Such moments are intensely imaginary, but not for that reason without their political force.
As the election approached, there has been an increased focus on the person of Obama: his gravity, his deliberateness, his ability not to lose his temper, his way of modeling a certain evenness in the face of hurtful attacks and vile political rhetoric, his promise to reinstate a version of the nation that will overcome its current shame. Of course, the promise is alluring, but what if the embrace of Obama leads to the belief that we might overcome all dissonance, that unity is actually possible? What is the chance that we may end up suffering a certain inevitable disappointment when this charismatic leader displays his fallibility, his willingness to compromise, even to sell out minorities? He has, in fact, already done this in certain ways, but many of us "set aside" our concerns in order to enjoy the extreme un-ambivalence of this moment, risking an uncritical exuberance even when we know better. Obama is, after all, hardly a leftist, regardless of the attributions of "socialism" proffered by his conservative opponents. In what ways will his actions be constrained by party politics, economic interests, and state power; in what ways have they been compromised already? If we seek through this presidency to overcome a sense of dissonance, then we will have jettisoned critical politics in favor of an exuberance whose phantasmatic dimensions will prove consequential. Maybe we cannot avoid this phantasmatic moment, but let us be mindful about how temporary it is. If there are avowed racists who have said, "I know that he is a Muslim and a terrorist, but I will vote for him anyway," there are surely also people on the left who say, "I know that he has sold out gay rights and Palestine, but he is still our redemption." I know very well, but still: this is the classic formulation of disavowal. Through what means do we sustain and mask conflicting beliefs of this sort? And at what political cost?
There is no doubt that Obama's success will have significant effects on the economic course of the nation, and it seems reasonable to assume that we will see a new rationale for economic regulation and for an approach to economics that resembles social democratic forms in Europe; in foreign affairs, we will doubtless see a renewal of multi-lateral relations, the reversal of a fatal trend of destroying multilateral accords that the Bush administration has undertaken. And there will doubtless also be a more generally liberal trend on social issues, though it is important to remember that Obama has not supported universal health care, and has failed to explicitly support gay marriage rights. And there is not yet much reason to hope that he will formulate a just policy for the United States in the Middle East, even though it is a relief, to be sure, that he knows Rashid Khalidi.
The indisputable significance of his election has everything to do with overcoming the limits implicitly imposed on African-American achievement; it has and will inspire and overwhelm young African-Americans; it will, at the same time, precipitate a change in the self-definition of the United States. If the election of Obama signals a willingness on the part of the majority of voters to be "represented" by this man, then it follows that who "we" are is constituted anew: we are a nation of many races, of mixed races; and he offers us the occasion to recognize who we have become and what we have yet to be, and in this way a certain split between the representative function of the presidency and the populace represented appears to be overcome. That is an exhilarating moment, to be sure. But can it last, and should it?
To what consequences will this nearly messianic expectation invested in this man lead? In order for this presidency to be successful, it will have to lead to some disappointment, and to survive disappointment: the man will become human, will prove less powerful than we might wish, and politics will cease to be a celebration without ambivalence and caution; indeed, politics will prove to be less of a messianic experience than a venue for robust debate, public criticism, and necessary antagonism. The election of Obama means that the terrain for debate and struggle has shifted, and it is a better terrain, to be sure. But it is not the end of struggle, and we would be very unwise to regard it that way, even provisionally. We will doubtless agree and disagree with various actions he takes and fails to take. But if the initial expectation is that he is and will be "redemption" itself, then we will punish him mercilessly when he fails us (or we will find ways to deny or suppress that disappointment in order to keep alive the experience of unity and unambivalent love).
If a consequential and dramatic disappointment is to be averted, he will have to act quickly and well. Perhaps the only way to avert a "crash" – a disappointment of serious proportions that would turn political will against him – will be to take decisive actions within the first two months of his presidency. The first would be to close Guantanamo and find ways to transfer the cases of detainees to legitimate courts; the second would be to forge a plan for the withdrawal of troops from Iraq and to begin to implement that plan. The third would be to retract his bellicose remarks about escalating war in Afghanistan and pursue diplomatic, multilateral solutions in that arena. If he fails to take these steps, his support on the left will clearly deteriorate, and we will see the reconfiguration of the split between liberal hawks and the anti-war left. If he appoints the likes of Lawrence Summers to key cabinet positions, or continues the failed economic polices of Clinton and Bush, then at some point the messiah will be scorned as a false prophet. In the place of an impossible promise, we need a series of concrete actions that can begin to reverse the terrible abrogation of justice committed by the Bush regime; anything less will lead to a dramatic and consequential disillusionment. The question is what measure of dis-illusion is necessary in order to retrieve a critical politics, and what more dramatic form of dis-illusionment will return us to the intense political cynicism of the last years. Some relief from illusion is necessary, so that we might remember that politics is less about the person and the impossible and beautiful promise he represents than it is about the concrete changes in policy that might begin, over time, and with difficulty, bring about conditions of greater justice.
Monday, November 17, 2008
Carol Vogel reports in the New York Times that Emily Jacir has won the Hugo Boss Prize. Jacir, a thirty-seven-year-old artist of Palestinian descent who produces photographs, videos, sculptures, and drawings that address themes of belonging and displacement as they relate to Palestinian identity, will be awarded one hundred thousand dollars. The Hugo Boss Prize was established in 1996 by the Guggenheim Museum and is given every two years for significant achievement in contemporary art. In addition to the monetary award, the prize includes an exhibition of the winner’s work, which will be shown at the Guggenheim from February 6 to April 15.
The other finalists this year included two Swiss artists: Christoph Büchel and Roman Signer; two Americans: Patty Chang and Sam Durant; and the Danish artist Joachim Koester. Jacir, who divides her time between Ramallah and New York, won the Golden Lion Award for an artist under forty at the 2007 Venice Biennale. Her work there, a room-size installation in the Italian Pavilion, documented the assassination of the Palestinian intellectual Wael Zwaiter by Israeli agents in Rome for what they believed was his role in the massacre of Israeli athletes in the 1972 Summer Olympics. Using photographs, objects, texts, and interviews, Jacir created a narrative that reflects on her own anguish over the Middle East. Nancy Spector, the Guggenheim’s chief curator and a member of the Boss Prize jury, said, “Although her work is clearly very political, she deals with her topic in a sophisticated, unique fashion that transcends politicized art. It’s complex, poetic, and open-ended. And the fact that she can operate from both Palestine and the United States allows her to have a broader overview, which I think is really important.”
Sunday, November 16, 2008
Wednesday, November 12, 2008
A fake edition of the New York Times announcing the end of the Iraq war has been handed out to commuters in the US.
More than 1m free copies of the 14-page "special edition" newspaper were distributed mainly in the cities of New York and Los Angeles.
Another bogus story was about all Americans being given free health care.
A liberal group called the Yes Men, well known in the US for its practical jokes, claimed responsibility for the elaborate prank.
The fake paper - dated 4 July 2009 - had a motto on its front page which read "all the news we hope to print".
The hoax was accompanied by a web site that mimicked the look of The New York Times's real website.
A page of the spoof site contained links to dozens of liberal organisations, which were also listed in the print edition.
The fake edition surprised commuters, many of whom took the free copies thinking they were legitimate.
Later, the Yes Men issued a statement claiming responsibility.
"In an elaborate operation six months in the planning, 1.2m papers were printed at six different presses and driven to pre-arranged pickup locations."
The statement added that thousands of volunteers helped to distribute the fake edition.
A spokeswoman for the newspaper, Catherine Mathis said "This is obviously a fake issue of The Times. We are in the process of finding out more about it."
Saturday, November 8, 2008
In 1996, Jeremy Deller was part of the group exhibition Life/Live at the Musée d’Art Moderne de la Ville de Paris. His participation was rather quiet : a few posters were hung in the cafeteria but also outside the museum on the notice board that now belongs to the Palais de Tokyo. This spot was a lucky one. Twelve years later, the Palais is giving him a “carte blanche” for an exhibition. In the meantime, Deller won the prestigious Turner Prize in 2004 and created with Alan Kane, the Folk Archive, a detailed and surprising documentation of contemporary British popular practices.
You were given a carte blanche for your coming exhibition at the Palais de Tokyo. How did it happen ? Were you entirely free?
In 1996, Hans Ulrich Obrist invited you to exhibit just in front of the Palais de Tokyo at the Musée d’Art Moderne de la Ville de Paris. The small booklet of the show was made of photographs and mysterious quotations in French like “L’oreille est le chemin du cœur”. What was it about?
At the Palais de Tokyo you’re going to show the Folk Archive which is a collection of objects and photographs from the British folk culture. Can such an archive travel and be understood in another country such as France?
Why did you decide to show the Folk Archive in Paris?
Will this Folk Archive be different from the one you exhibited in 2005 at the Barbican in London?
The Folk Archive is often described as objects made by amateurs, not by artists. Does the status of these objects matter to you?
Do you think that’s the reason why the Folk Archive got really bad critics in the UK?
Did some critics think you were actually making fun of the people shown in the Folk Archive ?
Any favorite objects or pictures from the archive?
Were you already politically engaged during your studies in the eighties?
Then you met Andy Warhol in 1986…
Parades are a recurring motif in your work. You seem to enjoy public events.
Parades and exhibitions are both public events. Do they have something in common for you?
Most of your projects involve people from different background such as fans of the Manic Street Preachers and more recently miners for your film The Battle of Orgreave.How do you connect with such a wide range of people?
Jeremy Deller, D’une révolution à l’autre, exhibition at the Palais de Tokyo, Paris, 26 September 2008 - 4 January 2009.
Thursday, November 6, 2008
Tuesday, November 4, 2008
"boyle hassas bir ortamda turkiye aleyhine ortam yaratan eserleri kaldirmak sansur degildir,"
"bir turk kadin bir kurde asik olamaz,"
bu sözler bugunlerde kulturle ilgili devlet büyüklerimizin agzindan "gitmek" (my marlon my brando) filminin isvicre'de kultur bakanligi'nin katkida bulundugu bir festivalin programindan cikarilmasina yonelen elestirilere savunma olarak çikmis bugunlerde. ustelik kultur bakanligi'nin kendisinin yapimina destek verdigi bir film soz konusu.
bu irkci ve cinsiyetci yorumlarin hismina ugrayan "gitmek"uzerine rotterdam film festivali'nde gordügüm zaman yazmistim.
"gitmek" bu topraklarin haleti ruhiyesine iliskin insanin icine isleyen bir ask filmi.
ayca citfci'nin gercek hikayesi, bir baris dilegi...
hep ayni hikaye. baskalarinin onunde fikir ozgurlugune ne kadar onem verildigi uzerinden dem vuruluyor. hemen ardindan blogger kapatiliyor, o geçiyor onun ardindan "tehlikeli konular"a dokundugu icin programlardan cikariliyor, sonra da "bu sansur muymus canim etnik catismalarin yogun oldugu boyle hassas bir donemde?"
niye sasiriyoruz ki tabii?
siyad'in kinamasi gayet yerinde olmus.
film 14 kasim'da vizyona giriyormus turkiye'de. henuz izlemediyseniz gidin gorun kendiniz karar verin.
Sunday, November 2, 2008
Her gün bir yere
Konmak ne güzel
Akmak ne hoş
Ne kadar söz varsa
Şimdi yeni şeyler